The study of sexual abuse of minors by Catholic priests and deacons resulting in this report was authorized and paid for by the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB) pursuant to the Charter for the Protection of Children and Young People (Charter) adopted by the USCCB at its June 2002 meeting. The Charter called for many responses to this victimization of minors within the Catholic Church. Article 9 of the Charter provided for the creation of a lay body, the National Review Board, which was mandated (among other things) to commission a descriptive study of the nature and scope of the problem of child sexual abuse in the Catholic Church.
Accordingly, the Board approached John Jay College of Criminal Justice to conduct such a study. The College assembled an experienced team of researchers with expertise in the areas of forensic psychology, criminology, and human behavior, and, working with the Board, formulated a methodology to address the study mandate. Data collection commenced in March 2003, and ended in February 2004. The information contained in this report is based upon surveys provided by 195 dioceses and eparchies of the United Statesand its territories, representing 97% all diocesan priests in the United States, and 142 religiouscommunities, representing approximately 64% of religious communities and 83% of all religious priests.
The mandate for the study was to:
1. Examine the number and nature of allegations of sexual abuse of minors under the age of 18 by Catholic priests between 1950 and 2002.
2. Collect information about the alleged abusers, including official status in the church, age, number of victims, responses by the church and legal authorities to the allegations of abuse, and other characteristics of the alleged abusers.
3. Collect information about the characteristics of the alleged victims, the nature of their relationship to the alleged abusers, the nature of the abuse, and the time frame within which the allegations are reported.
4. Accumulate information about the financial impact of the abuse on the Church.
Three surveys provide the data for this study:
1. A profile of each diocese, providing information about characteristics of the diocese including region and size, the total numbers of allegations, and the total expenditures occasioned by allegations of abuse.
2. A survey of church records relating to individual priests against whom allegations of abuse had been made.
3. A survey of church records relating to the alleged victims of abuse and the nature of the alleged abuse.
Based upon the inquiries and communications that we received from the dioceses, eparchies and religious communities, it is our impression that, despite the complexity of the surveys and the difficulties of identifying relevant church records, these data reflect a conscientious and good-faith effort to provide exhaustive and reliable information regarding allegations of abuse made to church authorities.
Due to the sensitive nature of the abuse allegations, which form the core of this report, many steps were taken to assure the anonymity of alleged victims and priests who were the subjects of the study. The study used a double-blind procedure in which all reports were first sent to Ernst & Young, an accounting firm, where they were stripped of information that could be used to identify the area from which they were sent. Ernst & Young then sent the unopened envelopes containing survey responses to the John Jay researchers. The data set is thus stripped of all identifying information that may be linked to an individual diocese, eparchy or religious community, priest or victim.
OVERVIEW OF PREVALENCE AND REPORTING
• Priest surveys asked for birth dates and initials of the accused priests in order to determine if a single priest had allegations in multiple dioceses, eparchies or religious communities. To maintain anonymity, this information was encrypted into a unique identifying number, and birthdays and initials were then discarded. We detected 310 matching encrypted numbers, accounting for 143 priests with allegations in more than one diocese, eparchy or religious community (3.3% of the total number of priests with allegations). When we removed the replicated files of priests who have allegations in more than one place, we received allegations of sexual abuse against a total of 4,392 priests that were not withdrawn or known to be false for the period 1950-2002.
• The total number of priests with allegations of abuse in our survey is 4, 392. The percentage of all priests with allegations of sexual abuse is difficult to derive because there is no definitive number of priests who were active between the years of 1950 and 2002. We used two sets of numbers to estimate the total number of active priests and estimated this percentage against whom allegations were made.
o We asked each diocese, eparchy and community for their total number of active priests in this time period. Adding up all their responses, there were 109,694 priests reported by dioceses, eparchies and religious communities to have served in their ecclesiastical ministry from 1950-2002. Using this number, 4.0% of all priests active between 1950 and 2002 had allegations of abuse.
o The Center for Applied Research in the Apostolate (CARA) reports a total of 94,607 priests for the period 1960-2002. When we look at the time period covered by the CARA database, the number of priests with allegations of sexual abuse is 4,127. Thus, the percentage of priests accused for this time period is 4.36% if we rely on the CARA figures assessing the total number of priests.
o If we examine the differences between diocesan and religious priests, then our numbers result in a total of 4.3% of diocesan priests with allegations of abuse and 2.5% of religious priests with allegations of abuse. The CARA numbers yield a total of 5% of diocesan priests from 1960-2002 with allegations of abuse and 2.7% of religious priests from 1960-2002 with allegations of abuse.
• Our analyses revealed little variability in the rates of alleged abuse across regions of the Catholic Church in the U.S.—the range was from 3% to 6% of priests.
• A total of 10,667 individuals made allegations of child sexual abuse by priests. Of those who alleged abuse, the file contained information that 17.2% of them had siblings who were also allegedly abused.
• It is impossible to determine from our surveys what percent of all actual cases of abuse that occurred between 1950 and 2002 have been reported to the Church and are therefore in our dataset. Allegations of child sexual abuse are made gradually over an extended time period and it is likely that further allegations will be made with respect to recent time periods covered in our surveys. Less than 13% of allegations were made in the year in which the abuse allegedly began, and more than 25% of the allegations were made more than 30 years after the alleged abuse began.
DISTRIBUTION OF CASES BY YEAR
• The distribution of reported cases by the year the abuse is alleged to have occurred or begun shows a peak in the year 1970. However, considering the duration of some repeated abusive acts, more abuse occurred in the 1970s than any other decade, peaking in 1980. But, these conclusions have to be qualified because additional allegations for those time periods may surface in the future.
• Alleged abuse sometimes extended over many years. In 38.4% of allegations the abuse is alleged to have occurred within a single year, in 21.8% the alleged abuse lasted more than a year but less than 2 years, in 28% between 2 and 4 years, in 10.2% between 5 and 9 years and, in under 1%, 10 or more years.
• Approximately one-third of all allegations were reported in 2002-2003, and two-thirds have been made since 1993. Thus, prior to 1993, one-third of cases were known to Church officials. The allegations made in 1993 and 2002-2003 include offenses that allegedly occurred within the full time period from 1950-1993 and 1950-2002. The distribution of allegations made in 2002-2003 resembles the distribution of offenses alleged at all other time periods—with the exception that allegations of abuse in recent years are a smaller share of all allegations.
COSTS OF ALLEGATIONS
• The amount of money already paid by the Church, as a result of allegations, to victims, for the treatment of priests and for legal expenses reported in our surveys was over $572,000,000. That figure is not the total paid by the Church to date—14% of dioceses and religious communities did not report dollar figures. In addition, survey responses were filed over a 10-month period and would not include settlements and expenses incurred after surveys were submitted. In addition, no diocese reported the recent and highly publicized $85,000,000 settlement.
PRIESTS AND ACCUSERS
PROFILE OF PRIESTS WITH ALLEGATIONS
• The majority of priests with allegations of abuse were ordained between 1950 and 1979 (68%). Priests ordained prior to 1950 accounted for 21.3% of the allegations, and priests ordained after 1979 accounted for 10.7% of allegations.
• Over 71% of these priests were between 25 and 29 years of age when ordained. For priests whose age at the time of the first alleged abuse was reported, the largest group—over 40% was between 30 and 39. An additional 20% were under age 30, nearly 23% were between 40 and 49, and nearly 17% were over 50.
• At the time abuse is alleged to have occurred, 42.3% of priests were associate pastors, 25.1% were pastors, 10.5% were resident priests and 7.1% were teachers. Other categories (e.g., chaplain, deacon, and seminary administrator) were under 3% each.
• The majority of priests (56%) were alleged to have abused one victim, nearly 27% were alleged to have abused two or three victims, nearly 14% were alleged to have abused four to nine victims and 3.4% were alleged to have abused more than ten victims. The 149 priests (3.4%) who had more than ten allegations of abuse were allegedly responsible for abusing 2960 victims, thus accounting for 26% of allegations. Therefore, a very small percentage of accused priests are responsible for a substantial percentage of the allegations.
• Though priests’ personnel files contain limited information on their own childhood victimization and their substance and/or alcohol abuse problems, the surveys report that nearly 7% of priests had been physically, sexually and/or emotionally abused as children. The surveys also indicate that nearly 19% had alcohol or substance abuse problems. There are indications that some sort of intervention was undertaken by church authorities in over 80% of the cases involving substance abuse.
• The surveys indicate that 23% of priests who were subject to allegations of sexual abuse were also recognized as having other behavioral or psychological problems.
• The largest group of alleged victims (50.9%) was between the ages of 11 and 14, 27.3% were 15-17, 16% were 8-10 and nearly 6% were under age 7. Overall, 81% of victims were male and 19% female. Male victims tended to be older than female victims. Over 40% of all victims were males between the ages of 11 and 14.
• Nearly 40% of priests with allegations of sexual abuse participated in treatment programs; the most common treatment programs were sex-offender specific treatment programs specifically for clergy and one-on-one psychological counseling. The more allegations a priest had, the more likely he was to participate in treatment. However, the severity of the alleged offense did not have an effect on whether or not a priest participated in a treatment program. Those who allegedly committed acts of penetration or oral sex were no more likely to participate in treatment than priests accused of less severe offenses.
• Priests allegedly committed acts which were classified into more than 20 categories. The most frequent acts allegedly committed were: touching under the victim's clothes (57.3%), touching over the victim’s clothing (56.8%), victim disrobed (27.5%), cleric performing oral sex (27.3%) and penile penetration or attempted penile penetration (25.1%). Many of the abusers were alleged to have committed multiple types of abuse against individual victims, and relatively few priests committed only the most minor acts. Of the 73.4% of the incidents reported in which we had specific offense details, no incidents were reported that included only verbal abuse or pornography. Only 9.0% of the acts included exclusively touching over the victim’s clothes.
• The alleged abuse occurred in a variety of locations. The abuse is alleged to have occurred in the following locations: in the priest’s home or the parish residence (40.9%), in the church (16.3%), in the victim’s home (12.4%), in a vacation house (10.3%), in school (10.3%), and in a car (9.8%). The abuse allegedly occurred in other sites, such as church outings or in a hotel room, in less than 10% of the allegations. The most common event or setting in which the abuse occurred was during a social event (20.4%), during travel (17.8%), or while visiting or working at the priest’s home (14.7%). Abuse allegedly occurred in other settings, such as during counseling, school hours, and sporting events, in less than 10% of the allegations.
• In the 51% of cases where information was provided, half of the victims who made allegations of sexual abuse (2621, or 25.6% of all alleged victims) socialized with the priest outside of church. Of those who did socialize with the priests who allegedly abused them, the majority had interactions in the family’s home. Other places of socialization included in the church, in the residence of the priest, and in various church activities.
REPORTING AND ACTIONS TAKEN
• To date, the police have been contacted over 600 priests with allegations of abuse, or 14% of our total. Nearly all of these reports have led to investigations, and approximately 220 instances have led to criminal charges. Of the 217 priests for whom information about dispositions is available, 138 (63.5%) were convicted and at least 100 of those served time in prison. Thus, 3% of all priests against whom allegations were made were convicted and about 2% received prison sentences to date.
• Half of the allegations that were made were reported to the church by the victim. In one-fifth of the cases, the allegation of sexual abuse was made by thealleged victim’s attorney. The third most common way in which the abuse was reported was by the parent or guardian of the victim (about 14%). Allegations made by other individuals, such as by a police officer, a sibling, or another priest, occurred in much smaller numbers. These allegations were most commonly made by calling the diocese (30.2%), in a signed letter to the diocese (22.8%), or in a legal filing (10.5%). All other methods by which the allegations were made, such as in person, by telling a trusted priest, or through the media, occurred in less than 10% of cases. Cases reported in 2002 had a similar distribution of types of reporting as in previous years.
The full report contains more detailed and additional analyses related to the information provided above. This report is descriptive in nature. Future reports will examine the relationships among the variables described here in more detail.
Half of the incidents of abuse were reported by individuals who experienced the victimization. Attorneys reported one in five incidents, followed by family members, who reported approximately 17%.
According to the information in the Church’s files, approximately 14% of priests accused of abuse were reported to the police, and some were independently detected.
Overall, 5.4% percent of priests were charged with a criminal offense. Although this is 35% of those cases in which a police investigation was carried out, it also means that only 3.1% of all priests were convicted of some type of criminal offense.
Het rapport is tot stand gekomen op verzoek van de Amerikaanse bisschoppen en het netwerk van door priesters misbruikte personen( SNAP), vindt de cijfers aan de lage kant.
Naast het rapport: National study of sex abuse by priests verscheen er nog een rapport http://www.usccb.org/nrb/nrbstudy/nrbreport.pdf
The second report was “A Report on the Crisis in the Catholic Church in the United States.”(2) This report set out to evaluate the causes and context of the sexual abuse crisis within the American Catholic Church.
The study found that there were significant problems in relation to how candidates for the priesthood were selected and trained.
However, the stinging criticism is reserved for the Bishops and church officials who are singled out for their shortcomings. These included
1) failure to grasp the severity of the problem;
2) an inadequate response to victims;
3) unwarranted presumptions in favour of accused priests;
4) a reliance on secrecy and undue emphasis on the avoidance of scandal;
5) an over reliance on psychiatrists, psychologists and lawyers;
6) an undue reliance on legal advice that promoted an adversarial defence at the expense of concern for victims;
7) a failure to hold themselves and other Bishops accountable for mistakes.
However, the report also went on to say that the Bishops’ actions in recent times have ensured an increased safety of minors in the Church today. These included the establishment of stringent reporting policies from 2002 and the removal of seven hundred priests from ministry since their enactment; the implementation of safe environment policies which train adults to recognize the signs of abuse and children to report it. Finally the Bishops’ “Zero tolerance” policy, which specifies that no priest who has sexually abused a minor will continue in ministry.
The report welcomed these measures as being positive and proactive. However, it went on to say that in order for the American Bishops goal of restoring “the bonds of trust that bind us” to be achieved there should be a process that involves transparency and substantial participation by the laity. With reference to the “Zero tolerance” policy, the review board argued that this measure is essential for the laity to fully trust the church leadership.
Zie voor het hele rapport: http://www.usccb.org/nrb/nrbstudy/nrbreport.pdf
Een belangrijk onderdeel van het rapport gaat over de mogelijke achtergronden van het voorkomen van seksueel misbruik van minderjarigen onder de priesters
pagina 66 en volgende
Het is duidelijk dat sommige mannen gezien over de laatste 50 jaar priester werden die eigenlijk nooit tot het seminarie hadden mogen worden toegelaten en nooit had moeten worden toegestaan hun opleiding tot priester te voltooien
Er zijn een aantal redenen aan te wijzen waarom sommigen in de Kerk in het verleden jonge mannen en jongens toelieten in seminaries die daar eigenlijk niet thuis hoorden.
1) Een reden was dat seminaries er simpel van uit gingen dat niemand die seksueel disfunctioneerde de roeping tot het priesterschap niet zou kunnen volgen.
2) Een andere reden voor de toename van ongeschikte kandidaten was de enorme toeloop zodat de seminaries gedurende de 50-tiger jaren er simpelweg niet toe kwamen de kandidaten te screnen.
3) Een aantal ervan wilden zelfs geen priester worden maar onder druk van de familie werd men het toch.
4) Nadat duizenden priesters hun ambt verlieten en trouwden kregen priesters het idee dat het priesterschap voor hen op psychologische gronden niet voor hen was weggelegd.
5) De leeftijd van kandidaten voor het priesterschap speelde ook een rol. Veel kandidaten kwamen op 13 - of 14 - jarige leeftijd naar het seminarie. Veel ondervraagden waren van mening dat de gesloten cultuur van het seminarie er toe leidde dat ze sociaal en psychologisch zich niet goed konden ontwikkelen. Sommige van deze individuen, hoewel reeds in hun twintiger jaren, hadden de emotionele trekken van een adolescent. Het gemis van een "normale" psychoseksuele ontwikkeling moet sommige van deze priesters hebben gehinderd in het bereiken van een "healthy celibacy" en zou kunnen verklaren waarom sommigen van hen het gezelschap zochten van adolecente jongeren.
6) Veel ondervraagden waren van mening dat priesters die zich schuldig hadden gemaakt aan misbruik psychologisch en emotioneel niet juist waren ontwikkeld
Hoewel uit de cijfers van National study of sex abuse by priests blijkt dat het percentage van diegenen die zich schuldig hadden gemaakt aan seksueel misbruik wordt gesteld op 4,36% blijft de vraag bestaan of dat cijfer wel klopt.
Het is opvallend dat het bisdom Boston, waar de storm als eerste begon, in een persbericht van 27 februari 2004 melding maakt van een percentage van 7%
Diocese gives abuse data
Report finds 162 Boston priests accused since '50
By Michael Paulson, Globe Staff, 2/27/2004
Gebruikte bronnen RK Kerk en de “bedrijfsongevallen deel 2
Seksueel Misbruik door priesters in de Verenigde Staten
Anteuneus: Spotprent bisschoppen 06-05-02 Boston Globe: Overzicht Bisschoppen die aftraden in de VS Dossier misbruik RK Kerk
Boston Globe A history of secrecy, coverups in Boston Archdiocese
Cagle Daryl: Spotprent bisschop met hoofd in het zand
John Jay College of Criminal Justice: “National study of sex abuse by priests”februari 2004
Min van Justitie/nl/nieuwsarchief) Aartsbisdom Boston verborg beschuldigde priesters 06-12-02
Paulson Michael: Diocese gives abuse data Report finds 162 Boston priests accused since '50
Redactie NRC Houding leiders kerk 22-03-02 Report on the Crisis in the Catholic Church in the United States: National Revue Board for the Protection of Children and Young People mei 2004 Sipe Richard A.W.:” VIEW FROM THE EYE OF THE STORM “National Conventie in Louisville, Kentucky, February 23, 2003
SNAP: Survivers Network of those Abuse by Priests documenten
dit is het einde van deel 2
De R.K.Kerk en de “Bedrijfsongevallen” Seksualiteit en een geestelijke ambt